Nineteen Sixty-four is a research blog for the Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate (CARA) at Georgetown University edited by Mark M. Gray. CARA is a non-profit research center that conducts social scientific studies about the Catholic Church. Founded in 1964, CARA has three major dimensions to its mission: to increase the Catholic Church's self understanding; to serve the applied research needs of Church decision-makers; and to advance scholarly research on religion, particularly Catholicism. Follow CARA on Twitter at: caracatholic.
3.01.2017
A Social Scientist’s Reflections on Ash Wednesday and Lent
The Catholic Church probably began to understand the motivational power of visible identity more than a 1,000 years ago (i.e., when record of many Lenten practices are noted in Europe). Today, nearly half of adult Catholics will receive ashes on their forehead (46%) according to CARA surveys. This is likely the third highest day for Mass attendance and it is not even a day of obligation (although some receive ashes outside of Mass as in the 2016 photo on Boston Common above). More than six in ten will not eat meat on Fridays during Lent (62%). There are few things, other than going to Mass at Christmas (about 68% attending… fewer, 52%, attend at Easter) that so many Catholics in the U.S. do together than abstain from meat on Fridays during Lent. Why? Because during Lent, in many ways, Catholics have opportunities to wear their religious identity. This contributes to their sense of belonging, where many other aspects of their faith may call more on their obligation to believe. On Ash Wednesday, your religious identity and sense of belonging is worn on your head. On Fridays, these are on your plate (and then on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram). Of course, this is just one aspect of the season but it is important in the broader explanation of why U.S. Catholics become most active in their faith during this time of year.
When people have an opportunity to wear their identities (and possibly feel guilt for not doing so), they will do so in large numbers. This is also now evident in voter turnout numbers (the topic of my dissertation). Sixty percent of eligible voters cast a ballot in 2016. Undoubtedly, some had extra motivation to do so to get the sticker that visibly indicated they voted. Perhaps later they used it for free food and coffee. Rational choice economists assume the "costs" of voting are small—about $10 or $15 (travel, time, and information costs). The value of the sticker indicating you voted, along with potential freebies, I believe help solve "the paradox of voting" (i.e., costs of voting in large elections exceeds benefits—your vote counts but doesn't “matter” because no large electorate election is likely to come down to one vote and if it ever did, recounts or the courts would likely be the deciding factor).
At the same time, research has also revealed that creating opportunities to wear social identities can also have negative consequences. Social psychology has repeatedly found in experiments that similar people who are randomly divided into competing groups by things as trivial as eye color, group names, or role play can create in-group/out-group prejudice and discrimination very quickly and substantially. This is the negative side of membership and belonging to a group. Certainly many Catholics and other Protestants who observe Ash Wednesday become more physically distinct than others do for a day. Over the years, some Catholics and Protestants have reported incidents of possible workplace discrimination on Ash Wednesday.
We often choose to wear other kinds of labels on clothing. Why do people purchase products with specific visual labels rather than generic t-shirts, jeans, shoes, or bags? Part of the explanation is that they do so, in part, to promote an image to others as a component of their social identity. The things we wear can reflect our status or that we prefer a specific lifestyle or role. People will pay much more for a labeled item than one of a similar quality without a label. The identity provided by the label seems to really matter.
This status aspect of visible identity could also be considered a negative—especially when applied to Lenten practices. Ashes on the forehead were never meant to become part of a prideful selfie (they are an acknowledgement of our own mortality). Pictures of plates full of fried seafood and tartar sauce don’t really embrace the spirit of abstinence either. In theory, one might use some of the money saved from eating fish or vegetarian to donate to the poor. However, these days, a takeout salad or a plate full of fried shrimp and chips may be more expensive than the steak a Catholic could prepare for themselves some other day of the week. When the fat and calorie count of you Friday dinner during Lent exceeds what you might otherwise eat (and you take a picture of it and post it online) there might be a cultural disconnect from the traditions of Lent. At the same time, if this makes Catholics more likely to be active in their faith, perhaps it might best be tolerated or even embraced.
Outside of Lent, there are certainly other days and ways where Catholics could choose to “wear their faith.” Yet, CARA surveys indicate that only about a third regularly wear a crucifix or cross (32%) and even fewer wear a religious medal or pin of a saint or angel (29%), or a scapular (9%). Nearly a quarter regularly carry a rosary (23%) and one in five carries prayer cards or coins (20%). Why do so few Catholics do these things? What makes the ashes and the Friday foods during Lent so much more a part of Catholics’ devotional practices? Perhaps it is the seasonality of it all. If Catholics received ashes at every Mass, it would just become part of the routine of worship.
Social scientists have much to learn about human behavior from what Catholics and other Christians do on this day and those ahead during this season. For a social scientist who studies religion, it is one of the most fascinating. As a Catholic, even more so because it marks the beginning of the most energetic season of activity for the Church—a time of reflection, penance, prayer, and devotion.
Images courtesy of: The Catholic Archdiocese of Boston, Churl Han, Omer Unlu, vintspiration, elycefeliz, and David Galalis.
2.07.2017
The Changing Geography of Catholic Seminaries
Summary: Worldwide, the number of seminaries seems to have grown significantly over the last century. Currently, only one in five seminaries are located in Europe and North America. Countries with the most seminaries are India (1,096 seminaries), Brazil (1,010 seminaries), and Italy (407 seminaries). A strong, positive correlation exists between the total number of priests and the overall number of philosophy and theology seminaries. Likewise, a strong, positive correlation exists between the size of Catholic population and the number of diocesan philosophy and theology seminaries. CARA is releasing the Directory of Catholic Seminaries (see the links at the bottom of this post) containing a wealth of information about seminaries around the world. Michal Kramarek, Ph.D. led the research for this project and is the author of this post.
The Catholic Encyclopedia published in 1912 includes a list of English-speaking seminaries throughout the world. The Annuarium Statisticum Ecclesiae from 2012 includes a list enumerating seminaries in virtually all countries around the world. The table below compares the data from these two sources.
Overall, the number of seminaries increased significantly over the last century in eight countries where the data is available. This is mostly due to the change in the number of seminaries in India and United States. In three countries the number of seminaries is the same or almost the same: Great Britain, Ireland, and New Zealand.
Overall Number of Seminaries in 2013
Using the data from the Annuarium Statisticum Ecclesiae for 2013 allows one to map the concentration of Catholic seminaries around the world. The underlying data covers 95 percent of all ecclesiastical jurisdictions around the world. The data used here is a sum of all seminaries and residences, seminaries for diocesan priests and religious priests, secondary school programs as well as philosophy and theology programs. Thus, the number of seminaries here tends to be higher than the number of seminaries-institutions in each country. It should be also noted that the map (click on the map to see a larger version) combines Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macao, and Mainland China. The underlying data includes ten seminaries spread between Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macao but the number of seminaries in Mainland China is not available.
The median number of seminaries is 12 and the average is 48 per country for all countries where a seminary can be found. Countries with the most seminaries are India (1,096 seminaries), Brazil (1,010 seminaries), and Italy (407 seminaries).
Only one in five seminaries (20 percent) is located in Europe (16 percent) and North America (four percent). By comparison, 29 percent of seminaries are located in Asia and Oceania, 27 percent in South America, and 16 percent in Africa. The growth of the Catholic Church in the global south is seen by a larger number of seminaries in the Democratic Republic of Congo (159) than in Poland (90), a larger number in India (1,096) than in Italy (407), a larger number in Columbia (277) than in the United States (243).
Among countries which have at least one seminary:
- In Africa, the highest number of seminaries can be found in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (159 seminaries), Nigeria (153 seminaries), and Kenya (80 seminaries); the fewest seminaries can be found in Djibouti, Gambia, and Mauritius (each has one seminary);
- In Asia, the highest number of seminaries can be found in India (1,096 seminaries), Philippines (329 seminaries), and Indonesia (157 seminaries); the fewest seminaries can be found in Jordan, Cambodia, Kazakhstan, Singapore, and Turkmenistan (each has one seminary);
- In Central America, the highest number of seminaries can be found in Mexico (343 seminaries), Dominican Republic (32 seminaries), and Guatemala (28 seminaries); the fewest seminaries can be found in Netherlands Antilles (five seminaries), Puerto Rico (four seminaries), as well as Trinidad and Tobago (one seminary);
- In Europe, the highest number of seminaries can be found in Italy (407 seminaries), Spain (184 seminaries), and Poland (90 seminaries); the fewest seminaries can be found in Armenia, Denmark, Faeroe Islands, Finland, Gibraltar, Macedonia, Norway, and Sweden (each has one seminary);
- In North America, there are two countries with seminaries: United States (243 seminaries) and Canada (45 seminaries);
- In Oceania, the highest number of seminaries can be found in Papua New Guinea (25 seminaries), Australia (23 seminaries), and Fiji (seven seminaries); the fewest seminaries can be found in Guam (two seminaries), Kiribati (two seminaries), and French Polynesia (three seminaries);
- In South America, the highest number of seminaries can be found in Brazil (1,010 seminaries), Colombia (277 seminaries), and Peru (152 seminaries); the fewest seminaries can be found in Suriname (two seminaries) and Uruguay (seven seminaries).
Relationship Between the Number of Seminaries and Number of Priests
Using the data from the Annuarium Statisticum Ecclesiae for 2012 allows for an exploration of the statistical relationship between the number of seminaries (i.e., including both seminaries and residences) and the number of priests. The table below captures this relationship using correlation coefficients. Correlation coefficient can vary in value from -1 to 1. A value of more than 0.5 indicates positive, moderate relationship. A value of more than 0.7 indicates positive, strong relationship.
The correlation between all variables is positive and ranges from 0.37 to 0.86. Notably:
- There is a positive, strong correlation between the number of bishops and the overall number of philosophy and theology seminaries and residences in countries around the world.
- There is a positive, strong correlation between the number of diocesan priests and the number of diocesan philosophy and theology seminaries and residences in countries around the world.
- There is a positive, strong correlation between the number of religious priests and the number of religious clergy philosophy and theology seminaries and residences in countries around the world.
- The correlations are relatively weak between secondary seminaries (both, religious and diocesan) and the number of priests (and bishops).
A strong, positive correlation exists between the total number of priests and the overall number of philosophy and theology seminaries. This correlation is stronger for religious priests and weaker for diocesan priests (see the table above).
Among 129 countries where the data was available:
- Countries with the highest total number of priests are Italy, United States, and Poland.
- Countries with the most philosophy and theology seminaries are Brazil, India and Italy.
- Countries with the highest number of priests per seminary (philosophy and/or theology) are South Africa, Taiwan (China), and Ireland.
Relationship Between the Number of Seminaries and Population Size
Using the data from the Annuarium Statisticum Ecclesiae for 2012 allows one to explore the relationship between the number of seminaries and the size of general population.
The correlation between all variables is positive and ranges from 0.24 to 0.96. The correlation between general population and the number of seminaries is relatively weak. There is a positive, strong correlation between Catholic population and the total number of seminaries. Most notably, there is a very strong, positive correlation between the number of diocesan philosophy and theology seminaries on one side and the Catholic population on the other side.
A strong, positive correlation exists between the size of Catholic population and the number of diocesan philosophy and theology seminaries. This correlation highlights the geographic balance of developing seminary education where the Catholic population is present.
Among 126 countries where the data was available:
- Countries with the biggest Catholic population are Brazil, Mexico, and Philippines.
- Countries with the most diocesan philosophy and theology seminaries are Brazil, Italy, and Philippines.
- Countries with the highest number of Catholics per diocesan philosophy and theology seminary are Tanzania, South Sudan, and Honduras.
The complete Directory of Catholic Seminaries is available for download now (Adobe pdf files):
Part I. General Overview
Part II. Africa
Part III. Central America
Part IV. North America
Part V. South America
Part VI. Asia
Part VII. Europe
Part VIII. Oceania
Photo of St. Mary's Seminary & University in Baltimore courtesy of Forsaken Fotos.
1.06.2017
Parish Reorganizations and Parishioner Giving
This post is the first of a series here, on CARA’s website, and CARA’s social media sites about a new landmark study of Catholic parish life in the United States, Catholic Parishes of the 21st Century (Oxford University Press, 2017). This volume brings together findings from multiple national projects that CARA researchers and Charles Zech have conducted in recent years to provide a 360 view of parish life today. It is an intentional update to the groundbreaking Notre Dame Study of Catholic Parish Life in the 1980s. It is available for order now. Stay tuned as there will be much more to come from this volume here and elsewhere from CARA.
Managing the typical Catholic parish’s finances in the United States is a difficult task. Many parishes are aging structures with significant maintenance and repair costs. Two out of three parishes in the country today were established before 1950 and more parishes have been closing each year than opening since the 1990s. The Church has been adjusting to a geographical realignment of the Catholic population for decades. Two-thirds of Catholics lived in the Northeast and Midwest as recently as 1985. Now, only 51 percent of Catholics live in these regions with growing numbers living in the South and West.
In the Northeast and Midwest, pastors often have had to deal with declining numbers of parishioners and increasing costs for maintenance in older parishes. Parish finances are heavily dependent on the giving of parishioners. With fewer people in the pews, pastors must do more with less. Bishops have noticed the shifts in the Catholic population as well and also often need to deal with declining numbers of active diocesan priests available to serve as pastors. So many dioceses in the Northeast and Midwest have either used Canon 517.2, entrusting the pastoral care of a parish to a deacon or lay person, or have reorganized by closing, merging, and clustering parishes.
One of the findings of Catholic Parishes of the 21st Century is that parishioners in a Canon 517.2 parish or in parishes affected by the creation of a new parish are more likely than those in the typical parish to give more to their weekly collections. Parishioners give less than the parishioner in the typical parish when their community is the result of a merger, is affected by a nearby closure of a parish, or when their parish is placed in a cluster or other partnership with nearby parishes.
The typical parishioner household in the United States gives just under $10 to the weekly collection at their parish. Imagine a small parish with the regular attendance of 500 family households and 100 single parishioners. Giving, $9.43, on average, this would result in a total weekly collection of $5,658. Multiply that by 52 weeks and the grand total comes to $294,216. Parishes have other sources of revenue but this would represent a significant chunk of the annual resources.
Parish communities that are merged, affected by a nearby closure, or that have been clustered often get bigger as multiple communities are brought together in some form. Canon 517.2 parishes are typically small parishes where a priest is unavailable but there are no nearby parishes where a merger of cluster is feasible. A parish affected by the creation of a new parish may lose some of its parishioners to this new worship site or actually be this new community.
Is giving by parishioners sensitive to the size of community? It appears so. Catholic Parishes of the 21st Century does show that giving in a parish with 300 households is higher than parishes with more than 1,500 households. In the smaller parishes the average given per week is $11.63 per household ($181,428 annual total). In the largest parishes the average given per week is $7.05 per household ($549,900 annual total).
When parish reorganizations take place, the sizes of parishes change in a dioceses. These parishes should expect changes in the amounts given by parishioners, perhaps in response to perceptions of need, given the size of the community. Some may also seek to express dissatisfaction with changes and give less, while others may look to support their community more given the changes that take place. The case of the Canon 517.2 parish is interesting. In these communities, parishioners likely used to have a resident priest pastor. They may have struggled with Catholic population losses and eventually considered the possibility they might have their parish closed. The appointment of a deacon or lay person to provide the pastoral care of the parish (i.e., including arranging for priests to be available for Mass and sacraments) may be a blessing to them as they get to maintain their community. This may lead them to give more to support it.
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